WASHINGTON — It was nearly four
decades ago that Eddie Lopez was hired by a congressional committee to
reinvestigate the 1963 murder of President John F. Kennedy, a role that had him
digging through top secret documents at the CIA.
In the end, the House Select
Committee on Assassinations reported in 1978 that it believed the assassination
was probably the result of a conspiracy, although it couldn’t prove that, and
its conclusions are disputed by many researchers.
But now Lopez is seeking answers to
a lingering question: Could still-classified records reveal, as he and some of
his fellow investigators have long alleged, that the CIA interfered with the
congressional investigation and placed the committee staff under surveillance?
While Lopez’s latest effort to
uncover new information may seem quixotic, given the seemingly endless spate of
JFK conspiracy theories, it has taken on new meaning in the wake of revelations
that the CIA earlier this year spied on the Senate Intelligence Committee in an
unrelated case.
CIA employees hacked into the
computers of Senate staffers reviewing the agency’s counterterrorism tactics.
When the allegations were corroborated, the CIA apologized and vowed to take
disciplinary actions.
While this year’s controversy has
no direct relation to the Kennedy inquiry, it has raised new questions about
how far the CIA has undermined congressional oversight, including the
investigation into Kennedy’s murder in Dallas.
“It was time to fight one last time
to ascertain what happened to JFK and to our investigation into his
assassination,” Lopez, who is now the chief counsel for a school district in
Rochester, N.Y., said in an interview. He is joined in the effort by two other
former investigators, researcher Dan Hardway and G. Robert Blakey, the panel’s
staff director.
Lopez, 58, charges that the CIA
actively stymied the probe and monitored the committee staff members as they
pursued leads about the events leading up to the assassination.
Lopez and his two colleagues are
asking the CIA to release “operational files you have regarding operations
aimed at, targeting, related to, or referring to” the House panel they worked
for, along with records about the “surveillance of any and all members of the
staff.”
Their attorney, James Lesar of the
Assassination Archives and Research Center, in Silver Spring, Md., asserts they
have a right to any CIA files about themselves under provisions of the CIA
Information Act of 1984 and the Privacy Act of 1974, which could “shed light on
the confused investigatory aftermath of the assassination.”
Blakey, who is now a professor at
the University of Notre Dame, said he is anxious to know what the CIA was up
to. “I was at Danny’s home and it looked like there were surveillance vans,” he
recalled. “I would like to know what they had.”
The CIA declined to comment
directly on the case, but said in a statement it intends “to treat these
inquiries as we would any others, in full accordance with the respective laws
and regulations.”
Some observers said the CIA has a
long history of blocking congressional oversight of its activities.
“I think there is a pattern,” said
John Prados, a senior fellow at the National Security Archive at George
Washington University and author of “The Family Jewels: The CIA, Secrecy, and
Presidential Power.”
He cited two congressional
investigations in the mid-1970s of the agency’s assassination plots against
foreign leaders and the arms-for-hostages operation known as the Iran-Contra
Affair in the 1980s. In those cases, Prados and other historians allege, the
CIA withheld information, spread false stories, or did not make available all
witnesses.
Lopez, Blakey, and Hardway contend
they were rebuffed during their investigation when they asked about a
CIA-backed group of Cuban exiles who had been seeking to overthrow Castro that
had widely publicized ties to alleged assassin Lee Harvey Oswald. They were
informed that such a case officer did not exist for the so-called Revolutionary
Student Directorate -- also known by its Spanish-language acronym DRE . Their
suspicions grew when they learned from a lawsuit in the late 1990s that one of
the agency’s chief liaisons to the assassination panel, the late George
Joannides, was operating “under cover” and it was Joannides, a career
intelligence operative, who helped manage the Cuban group before the
assassination.
He, the [DRE] case agent, denied
that there was a case agent and they could not find the DRE file,” Blakey said
of Joannides in an interview. “He was an inhibitor, not a facilitator, which is
what he was supposed to be.”
Jefferson Morley, a former
Washington Post reporter whose lawsuit against the CIA shook loose some of the
revelations about Joannides’ true identity and covert background, maintains
that a host of files about the mysterious officer remain secret.
“Was there a mission to deceive
[the panel]?” asks Morley, who runs the independent research organization
JFKfacts.org.
The former House investigators
believe so but now want the CIA to fully come clean.
Said Hardway: “I hope to learn some
more parts to the puzzle that the agency has kept hidden.”
Bryan Bender can be reached at bryan.bender@globe.com.
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